Showing posts with label Fandom. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Fandom. Show all posts

Saturday, 24 August 2013

What is the Location of Pop? Part IV: The Queerness of Joey Graceffa


By Roland Betancourt




In the 18 March 2013 special edition of Top That! on POPSUGAR, YouTuber and former Amazing Race contestant Joey Graceffa played a game with the show’s co-hosts, Becca Frucht and Tyler Oakley. In the game “You Can’t Handle the Truth!”, each of them said one true and one false statement, asking the others to guess which one was the truth. In one round, Joey Graceffa offered up one truth and one lie: (1) that he graduated from college, and (2) that he moved to Los Angeles when he was 19. While deliberating, Tyler Oakley said that he did not think that Graceffa graduated from college. Joey did not seem particularly phased by this statement – after all, in his earlier vlogs he openly discussed his challenges in school, his experiences at college before dropping out, and his struggles trying to get into his dream school. However, Oakley soon perceived the potential for his comment to be misread, and quickly appended his statement with two crucial words: “No shade!


Joey Graceffa’s response is a curious one, worthy of a gif. It is not certain whether or not he understood what Oakley meant, and it seems as though he might have inferred the phrase’s meaning, or quite simply attempted to conceal a full-on reaction of his clear understanding of precisely what Tyler Oakley meant. Why does this matter?

Like many, Joey Graceffa began his YouTube career making parody videos with his close friends from high school under the username WinterSpringPro, which was later renamed JoeyGraceffa and appended with the gaming channel, JoeyGraceffaGames. Joey Graceffa has nearly 2 million subscribers on his main YouTube channel and his Twitter has over half a million followers. Today, Graceffa mainly produces daily vlogs peppered with the usual YouTube collaboration video tropes: challenges, parodies, and cover songs. He is well known for his addition of the suffix “-anya” to many words, and for his spontaneous slipping into accents and strange voices, which has earned him the title Grandfather Joey among some of his friends. He is by all means a fairly typical YouTuber with a significant following. He has not produced any truly viral videos, but his consistent vlogs and wide collaborations make him a YouTube staple.

Much of the attention surrounding Joey Graceffa circulates around constructions and extrapolations of his sexuality. Many rumors about Graceffa’s sexuality point to stereotypical constructions of his flamboyant personality as indicators. Meanwhile, Joey Graceffa has never confirmed that he is gay.





While some might easily criticize Graceffa for his choice not to officially come out to his young viewers (given his potential to serve as a role model), those concerns aside for the time being, Graceffa has quite skillfully managed to construct a thriving body of discussion and argumentation precisely on the question of his sexuality. By this, I do not mean that he has allowed the rumors to circulate and the fan wars to continue while totally avoiding the subject; on the contrary, he has consistently addressed the debate and produced videos that fuel and play out the contours of the debate’s topography – as, for example, in his and Shane Dawson’s “Are You Gay Test!” videos, where Graceffa allegedly sets out to answer the question of whether he is gay by answering other questions that would allegedly tell you if a person is gay.

In this video, Graceffa cleverly takes on the question “Are you gay?” precisely as a question – not to mention a question that emerges from a series of social stereotypes used to extrapolate a person’s sexuality. Thus, in the video, Joey does not answer the question per se; instead, he takes on the very logic of stereotypical thinking in which his fans have partaken, producing a video that merely expands the litany of alleged proof and counter-evidence so as to performatively respond not to the question itself, but rather to the epistemic construction of the question. That is, he does not critically comment on whether or not he is gay, but rather on the processes through which his audience constructed their opinions and biases of him and others.


On 13 April 2013, as part of his “Dare the Dawson” series, fellow mega-YouTuber Shane Dawson kissed Joey Graceffa on the lips as part of his weekly challenge. Following this video, the pairing of Graceffa and Dawson became a sensation among fans as #Shoey. This hashtag cum portmanteau indicates the shipping – the pairing of two characters or persons in a usually romantic relationship – of Shane Dawson and Joey Graceffa. Such a hashtag is a common format and practice, whereby fans can argue for their favorite OTP, or One True Pairing of people. The fan wars over shipped couples and OTPs manifest a thriving and generative field of production, given that these battles not only proliferate as video comments and chat room banter, but also as photo-shopped pairings of the two figures, gifs of suggestive or cute moments together, and – of course – the seedy underbelly of fan fiction, which is, at times, of an erotic, pornographic nature.

These various behaviors derive from the well-established, earlier practice in fan fiction writing –where romantic pairings would be slashed together (such as Ron/Hermione), creating the category of fan fiction writing known as slash. Previously, fan fiction flourished around cult television shows and movies, such as the Star Trek franchise or the Lord of the Rings trilogy, and in such cases, slash, like other portions of fan fiction writing (including non-romantic narratives), allowed for fans to find a space of communion and interactivity with the characters or actors they had come to love. There was an inherently passive nature to such fan-based practices, especially in the fact that they actively produced material for others to enjoy and admire (with some key authors gaining popularity), but there was no sense that such stories would enter the canonical paradigms of their beloved shows or movies. They were a form of constructing a very personal community on the periphery of primary source materials.

In the case of YouTubers and the accompanying greater interactivity between actors, writers, producers, and their fan-bases via social networking media today, we witness the rise of the concept of shipping. Unlike slash, which sought to produce a suspended reality within the fictional landscape, shipping suggests the active propagation of one’s particular OTP or pairing. It acknowledges the newfound realities that allow for tweets, Tumblr posts, and narrative fan fiction to enact a pull on the flow of a TV show’s events or a YouTuber’s upcoming videos. Glee, for example, is a show that is known to pay close attention to the wishes of its fans, actively playing with those wishes by teasing, taunting, and gratifying the desires of its audience. (Glee’s producer, Ryan Murphy, has at times been held responsible for the show’s course of events, taking to Twitter to ameliorate the fans concerns – as with the infamous breakup of Kurt and Blaine.)

Thus, a hashtag such as #Shoey manifests the workings of the ever-morphing topologies of fan-based practices – and actively partakes in its promulgation amidst the various differing views of fellow fans. This constitutes one of the most basic and primal elements of a fan-oriented phenomenology. To stop this process is to destroy the fabric of a large portion of the fan community, and to deny fans the ability to manifest a sense of communion with their objects of affection.

To advocate against the fan wars is to fundamentally misunderstand the constitution of pop culture as a sense of communal being in the world.



This element of interactivity was perhaps best exemplified by Shane Dawson and Joey Graceffa in their reading and performance of fan fiction on both their channels as a collaborative video pair. Here, the two – following Graceffa’s idea – farcically enact two highly sexual fan fiction pieces written by their fans. Their performance short-circuits the now arcane notion of the canonical source material and the unofficial, non-canonical nature of fan fiction. While the events clearly did not actually happen, their act is certainly a performative gesture in the sense that it fulfills the desires and wishes of their fans through the very obliqueness of parody and sarcasm for which both their YouTube channels – particularly Dawson’s – are known for. Most fascinating, however, is the manner in which Dawson points out that the whole thing was Joey’s idea.


Often times, Joey Graceffa’s collaborators stress the fact that it was Graceffa who has pushed their collaborative videos into a more sexualized or innuendo-ridden dimension. Nevertheless, when things start to get into the nitty-gritty of innuendo or explicit sexual reference, Graceffa is always the first to express affected discomfort and shock. This was made explicit throughout one collaboration with Tyler Oakley, where they produced “XXX Mad Libs”; here, Graceffa’s response to a noun (such as “butt-plug”) offered up by Oakley manifested shock and awe – a response Graceffa himself purposely put into motion by selecting the X-rated theme.

In this sense, Joey Graceffa’s videos constantly deploy his own closeting per se, if we can even call it that, as a discursive trope – always rimming the edge, but never allowing the bubble to burst. When paired with Shane Dawson, who lives with his longtime girlfriend and fellow-YouTuber Lisa Schwartz, Joey Graceffa’s actions become wholly farcical and the videos read clearly as a clever game made to entertain the fans, given that in all actuality the #Shoey ship is not likely. Nevertheless, Dawson’s openness about his girlfriend and her inclusion even in the fan fiction video only furthers Graceffa’s own isolation in this terrain, leading to more speculation. When paired with the openly-gay Tyler Oakley, who has an exceptional and admirable record of activism and service for the LGBT community (particularly with LGBT youths given his extensive work for the Trevor Project), the actions of Graceffa’s work becomes all the more intriguing in terms of the dynamics of their interactions, the issues addressed, the formats that their collaborations take on, and – most importantly – the language that they both speak.


Thus, I am drawn to Joey Graceffa’s reaction to Tyler Oakley’s queer disclaimer, “no shade,” which emerges directly from drag circles, as best explained in the classic 1990 documentary Paris is Burning, and recently popularized by shows such as RuPaul’s Drag Race. Throwing shade emerges precisely from the act of reading, where a drag queen conducts a close visual analysis of another drag queen and produces witty retorts to flaws and aspects of the other’s look. It is a moment that allows for a suspension of drag’s illusions, cutting through to the performer’s identity in drag, while nevertheless remaining in that system. It is a careful act of momentary transgression from within that state of transgression. As such, reading is not an insult or slur; rather is an art form that is fundamental to drag. Throwing shade, on the other hand, undermines that system, whereby a performer – operating on the order of reading – obliquely avoids or circumvents an insult so as to paradoxically abandon the state of reading and produce a true offence that is nevertheless comprehensible as such. This is shade.

Colloquially, while losing some of its reading-specific complexities, the phrase “no shade” – or its inverse, “all T, all shade” as coined by Coco Montrese on Drag Race – comes to be a queer equivalent of “no offence,” acknowledging the potential for insult in a usually humorous situation. Still, it always addresses a comment whose insult is somehow veiled or cryptic in nature, operating more on the order of its implications and connotations rather than its straight denotation – like saying that you guess that someone never graduated college, implying that they are not intelligent or well-read. This was the case when Oakley said “no shade” to Graceffa, although the latter’s fluency was left in doubt – or at least quickly censored, understanding precisely what it would mean to acknowledge the comment, or even to acknowledge that he could understand what it even meant.

As I mentioned earlier, Joey Graceffa is well-known for his pronounced affect and voices. In this respect, he is a fundamentally queer figure: always avoiding a static system of signification or persona in exchange for a personality that always exists through an oblique or veiled form of manifestation, ever in flux, ever shifting. In this respect, we could even see Oakley and Graceffa’s exchange as operating within the system of drag, given that Graceffa’s personality is always taking on these various personas and affects as a form of personality drag. However, given that the scholarly literature on and practices of drag are quite diverse and rich, I would like to leave these ekphrastic observations precisely on the level of close-reading, rather than attempting to deploy a concerted discussion of drag or this case-study’s implications. Instead, here I am much more interested in the manner in which Joey’s gif-able response manifested a key aspect of his work on YouTube: the manner in which it plays with the operation of the dialogic.

In Mikhail Bakhtin’s definition of the dialogic, to understand something is to be able to respond to it – that is, a person can only be said to understand something when they have come up with a response. The exchange between Oakley and Graceffa is interesting because we see this process operating through Graceffa’s non-verbal gestures and expressions following the comment. In its suspension of understanding, in the uncertainty of whether Graceffa understood what Oakley had said, Graceffa manages to embed the entire strategy that he has in place around his sexuality. I would not describe this strategy as closeting, but rather suggest that it speaks to a very particular system of representation – one that acknowledges the processes and behaviors of fan-based epistemic communities, which operate precisely within the medium conditions enabled by such oblique and cryptic gif-able seconds. In curtailing a response and consequently curtailing the indication of his understanding, Graceffa has indeed replied – but his response is not a parallel one to the two people that sit beside him, but rather a perpendicular response to those who sit before him (i.e. his fans). What Graceffa has done in that gesture is construct a site for response for his fans, which cuts obliquely past the particular circumstances of the discussion taking place within the YouTube video.

In this rendition of two truths and a lie, there is only one truth and one lie: they set up a simple binary between fact and fiction. Joey Graceffa’s cryptic smirk and head-tilt following Oakley’s interjection operates as that which Roland Barthes would categorize as the neutral (le neutre), that third term which fervently and arduously outplaysor baffles the paradigm set forth by the binary. Remember that Joey’s reaction is already a response within a response to a proposition of truth and fiction. His gesture’s tangential suspension in regards to the binary at hand functions as a semiotic operation to suspend knowing. It responds to a moment of interpellation, which is by definition inescapable, since to say to someone “no shade” is the equivalent of saying, “hey, queer” – it interpellates the person as one who is part of a specific community that speaks the language, as when Tyler Oakley and Kinglsey deploy the term during their own discussions in a collaboration video.


Thus, in speaking the words “no shade” to Joey Graceffa, Tyler Oakley has implicitly outed him, precisely because it postulates that Oakley believes Graceffa to be capable of responding.

That being said: Joey Graceffa’s sexuality is of no concern to me, but his queerness is of primary importance.

Joey Graceffa, implicitly understanding himself as having been (perhaps unintentionally) interpellated as a queer figure by Tyler Oakley, finds himself needing recourse for disinterpellation. To produce this structurally impossible act, he approaches the problem as one of signification, understanding that a response of some sort is necessary, but that such a response is fundamentally inadequate since once you have been interpellated there is not much you can do to distance yourself; after all, by the standards of the dialogic, to respond is to acknowledge that you have understood. Thus, he produces an ambiguous gesture, which is as much directed at Tyler Oakley as it is to the camera. This satisfies the necessities of the dialogic exchange that is occurring parallel to him on the screen, while seemingly addressing the camera in his avoidance of it, his head facing forward as he drops his gaze diagonally, all while acknowledging Tyler Oakley with his body language.

Hence, by enfolding into this exchange another dialogic sphere – that of the viewing fan – he produces a neutral third term, a linguistic manifestation that appears only for that instance at the intersection of these two different planes of existence and discourse. A third term that is produced non-verbally through body language – a body language, one must add, that in its sass and avoidance bore witness to the distinctly queer tradition of reading. Ironically, in avoiding a response that would affirm an identification with the queer community, Graceffa produces a fundamentally queer act by enacting an intermediate space between his fans and his interviewers, which only exists in suspension for a manner of seconds. In simultaneously acknowledging, in a non-verbal manner, the dialogic response of the fan and his own dialogic response to Oakley, Graceffa manages to successfully disinterpellate himself: in his moment of response he is neither here nor there – out of sync in the space-time continuum for just an instant, just long enough so as to arduously baffle the sexuality binary implicitly set before him.

Most importantly, his response precisely responds to a binary that was not there in the words’ denotations or connotations, but rather only existed as a form of metadata, an issue that I have discussed herepreviously in regards to Tyler Oakley. This complex exchange did not occur at the level of language – or rather on the level of signification – but rather unfolded wholly epistemologically. In that instance, Joey Graceffa and Tyler Oakley had a queer conversation whose medium – in whatever way you wish to define it – was in itself queerness.As such, in the oblique obfuscation of sexuality, Joey Graceffa produces an epistemology of the closet (I use this term here superficially, while nevertheless wishing to allude to Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick’s crucial volume) that is sustained through the proliferation of queered systems of representation and signification, systems which all lie perpendicular and tangential to language, standing in perpetual flux on literal peripheries of meaning and its discursive spheres. This is an aspect that can be seen flowing throughout his videos. This is the queerness of Joey Graceffa.

In the context of this series, “What is the Location of Pop? A Pop Phenomenology,” the queerness of Joey Graceffa confronts the fundamental operation of fandom as a phenomenological project rooted in hermeneutic emplacement and epistemological navigation: it is a process of forging non-normative forms of knowing and non-normative senses of place and space outside the rigors of flesh and blood, celebrity and fan. What is often characterized as a “fan war” is precisely a superficial symptom of the inner workings and operations of these various and complex processes that generate sustainable and networked systems of queerness, which operate somewhere in between top-down strategies and on-the-ground tactics. It is a war zone that is fundamentally post-political, performative, and by all extents inexorably queer.

Author bio:
Roland Betancourt is a doctoral candidate in the History of Art Department at Yale University writing a dissertation entitled, “The Proleptic Image: An Investigation of the Medium in Byzantium.” In April 2012, he co-chaired a major symposium at Yale entitled Byzantium/Modernism on the mutually generative collision of Byzantium and ModernismIn addition to various other projects, he is currently editing a special volume of the journal postmedieval entitled, “Imagined Encounters: Historiographies for a New World,” which asks scholars to suspend disbelief and create cross-temporal analyses using artworks and theories from different historical spaces.

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Tuesday, 20 August 2013

What is the Location of Pop? Part II: Professional Fangirling – On Tyler Oakley, Metadata, and Conspicuous Signification


By Roland Betancourt


fangirling (v.): the reaction a fangirl has to any mention or sighting of the object of her “affection.” These reactions include shortness of breath, fainting, high-pitched noises, shaking, fierce head shaking as if in the midst of a seizure, wet panties, endless blog posts, etc.

What is the location of pop? Or, what is popular culture today?

Let me pick up on this investigation with my initial observation: Pop is the method of the navigator; the incessant movement of the fan through space and time, consuming and representing images, clips, and laconic texts as they go about. The topography of pop is that of Instagram, Twitter, Vine, Facebook, Tumblr, and YouTube. But, this is not the domain of those who use these media periodically, only when something pops up on their Facebook feed or when something goes truly viral. Rather, this is the kingdom of those who fervently filter their pics onto Instagram, tweet their celebrities, create seven-second videos on Vine, and make gifs of their favorite YouTubers on Tumblr. This is the location of pop, this is the kingdom. It is a thriving underworld of videos and quasi-celebrities that exist right at the brink of virality.

At the brink of virality, we encounter a spectacular scape: like diving down into the depths of the Mariana Trench and stumbling upon a thriving community of deep sea life, surviving and flourishing under the most unfathomable conditions. At the brink of virality, we encounter a series of YouTubers and Bloggers who thrive and have made a living precisely by partaking in the activities and actions that we often deem to be the most severe impediments to one’s productivity and well-being: spending their day watching YouTube videos, checking Twitter and Tumblr, and Facebooking. Like the allegedly inhospitable pressures of the deep sea, this state of being in the world, which many associate with idleness and inactivity has become a space where many are making upwards of $150,000 and well into millions for uploading videos and posts (for extrapolations of YouTubers’ salaries, see here).

Here, I wish to focus in particular on YouTube, for the majority of these artists embody the habitus of the fan, yet are in themselves the recipients of an immense amount of attention, with millions of followers and subscribers on Twitter and YouTube.

In the end, my selection of the YouTubers discussed here will be idiosyncratic. I have chosen to focus on an interrelated group of YouTubers, based in Los Angeles, who all have loose ties to one another and also to a variety of auxiliary YouTubers based in England, South Africa, and Australia. The primacy of this group is attested by their appearances at the major YouTube-based annual gatherings, namely, VidCon(Anaheim), and also Summer in the City(London) and Playlist Live (Orlando), while their coherence is in turn attested by their various collaboration videos, which allow us to sketch out a network of interacting individuals and their social groups.

While I do not want to over aestheticize or enforce a deep intentionality in my readings of YouTubers, I also do not wish to leave such videos on the order of documentary evidence, with only a sort of cultural, archaeological value regarding a cult status. As such, I consider the work of these YouTubers as one would the work of a visual artist, and lend to my reading the force of a clearly operating system through which his videos emerge. With this very brief treatment of these figures, I want to propose an understanding of YouTube not merely as a site where videos like Charlie after the Dentist or Sweet Brown go viral, but rather as a topography ruled by videos that stand right at the brink of virality, drawing in tens of thousands of hits at a steady rate – often weekly, if not daily – with perhaps only a couple (per YouTuber) that actually have gone fully viral.

At first glance these videos are simple to characterize: they bring us into their makers’ carefully choreographed and stages lives, offering us a glimpse of these [not so] average people – mostly in their early- to mid-twenties – going about their routines. However, these videos are not merely drunken exposes of mundane parties, or banal reflections on daily purchases or consumptions, although such aspects matter. What comes to the forefront in any of these videos is how YouTube operates as a dominant force in the lives of their makers – it’s like watching a reality TV show about making a reality TV show. 

As such, it is in their configuration of fandom and in the fandoms that they consequently configure that we encounter a hermeneutic loop within the system that exposes the embodiment of the fan-artist. These are the hyperreaders that modulate the interval of pop culture, between fandom at large and the Lady Gagas and Katy Perrys.

If there is one person who can be said to embody this duality best it is Tyler Oakley, who, as a self-described “Professional Fangirl” with over a million and a half subscribers, exemplifies this category of YouTube celebrity. In this essay, I focus primarily on Oakley’s work to sketch out some foundational issues in regards to the function of the YouTuber within a system of fandom and celebrity.


On 3 March 2012, following the leak of a number of shirtless pictures of Darren Criss from a People magazine shoot, Tyler Oakley uploaded a response video, fangirlingover the leak and documenting his responses to the various images. The video follows a common typology of YouTube videos where viewers record their responses to either a viral video or image, thus manifesting in “real time” the viewer’s response – although usually used in cases where the videos are of a scary or disgusting nature, such as responses to Slender Man or 2 Girls 1 Cup. Here this trope appears for the sake of embodying Oakley’s fan-girl response to the images on Tumblr.


A similar display of fan-girl devotion occurred recently on 23 July 2013 when Harry Styles from One Direction retweeted Oakley, leading him to become the number one trending topic on Twitter. The retweet, as Oakley admits, was insignificant, but his response was in keeping with most fangirling over a retweet. In his video, he responds to the retweet with a series of “Oh my God,” his iPhone blaring in the background as fellow YouTubers text him about it. Throughout the video, Oakley embodies a state of fandom experienced by many of those who fervently tweet their favorite celebrities, craving for such a moment to occur. On Twitter, it is not uncommon to see tweets that simply ask a major celebrity to retweet them, not for the sake of the tweet’s content and its widespread exposure, but merely as a form of recognition and validation of a certain fan status. Oakley ends his video by asking the haters to step aside as he foresees the lashing out of jealous fans for his recognition. This video serves as a perfect encapsulation of the behaviors and actions of fans; it manifest the crucial, operative behaviors of fan-celebrity interactions on Twitter. It also manifests, however, a deeper logic that runs throughout Twitter, where such practices constantly occur on smaller orders. Of course, Tyler Oakley – who recently passed the one million followers mark – likewise is subjected to the same cult of fandom as he himself is partaking.

Oakley’s videos on YouTube have deployed fandom as a generative tactic for sketching out a system of adoration and interaction where he has managed to simultaneously place himself both at the center of it and at its peripheries. He, like many YouTubers, does periodic mail videos, where he opens on camera his fan mail and shares with his audiences the letters, artworks, and objects sent. This, in essence, serves as an analog iteration of the Twitter exchange as gifts and letters compete with one another so as to make their way onto the camera. And likewise, this act manifests precisely the depth and strength of his own cult following. Yet, I am drawn more to the moments in which Oakley addresses the operation of fandom obliquely, as exemplified by his 17 February 2012 video, “My Sacrifice to Britney Spears.”

In this video, Oakley wears a Lady Gaga inspired shirt with the word “Schieße” on it, which he plugs by indicating that half of the proceeds from the shirt go to the Born This Way Foundation. A few moments later, he recommends Nicki Minaj’s “Starships” as his current musical obsession, and then continues to give many pop culture suggestions and recommendations. The video, therefore, opens up quite stereotypically as Oakley shares current trends with his viewers, engaging directly with his role as a mediator of pop’s circulation and proliferation. However, the video is centered on Oakley’s response to the five-year anniversary of the date on which a spiraling Britney Spears infamously shaved her head. In order to commemorate the event of that “beautiful moment of a celebrity falling from grace,” Oakley has his roommate Korey shave his head in an act of mimetic identification with Britney Spears, taking upon his body the literal cuts per se and scars of her downfall through the shaving of his own head. As such, Oakley both performs his fandom, while nevertheless taking on Spears’s image obliquely through the shaved head.It is both a manifestation of his fandom and a mimetic manifestation of the fan’s object of adoration – after all, in shaving his head on camera, Oakley performs an act analogous to that of Britney Spears’ as the video’s audacious act also serves as a tactic for drawing in viewers and fans. 

As Korey shaves Oakleys head, they begin to sing – with their own twist – the lyrics to Gaga’s “Hair,” saying:

Whenever I’m dressed cool [Korey] put up a fight (Uh-hum, Uh-hum)
And if I’m hot shot, [Korey] will cut my hair at night
And in the morning I’m short of my identity (Uh-hum, Uh-hum)
I scream, “[Korey], why can’t I be who I wanna be, to be?”

In this manner, Oakley is densely layering a series of pop culture moments as a hyper-reader or hyper-fan. These allusions are targeted likewise only to a fan who has the active vocabulary to readily understand his sometimes concealed citations and references – as when he starts singing this revised version of “Hair,” or when he references Sweet Brown’s viral catchphrase, “Ain’t nobody got time for that!” Like the videos of most YouTubers, Oakley’s are densely layered in a language and system of short-hand citations that only become intelligible by a community of readers trained in pop culture, and which for many seem completely idiosyncratic or incomprehensible.

However, to perform one’s knowledge of viral videos and pop culture without explicit citation is a form of conspicuous consumption; to not be a hyperreader of our contemporary pop culture is to not be part of a community. This is not about citing David Bowie or some obscure video from the 1980s; it is not a depth of knowledge configured in terms of historical production, but rather a system of referentially that values the breadth of synchronous citation. To know a hot indie band or the best nightclub acts in New York is not a currency within this system. This outdated valuing of obscurity and rarity is how knowledge of popular culture often seems to be configured in elite, intellectual groups, primarily of an older generation; nevertheless, this is a wholly outmoded epistemic model.

Note that while knowledge of late-1980s and 1990s trends surely appears in Oakley’s videos and in those of his fellow YouTubers, this often emerges in tag videos (survey questions answered usually by a pair of friends) in terms of nostalgia rather than as active sources in the world. Thus, Oakley’s seemingly inconsequential actions speak to the fundamental elements that construct a method of exchange in contemporary popular culture: the logic of the retweet in essence operates as a system of community construction, as a method of forming close knit discursive spheres where knowledge can be exchanged quickly and were the act of citation almost becomes a category on the order of connotation – deploying a nexus of enfolded meanings and tenors to even a passing word or phrase. This is the logic of metadata as a form of language in and of itself.


Yet, what becomes most interesting about this video is that it acknowledges precisely the function of the cult image and its place within this economy of intricately wrapped up, monadic bundles of reference. Taking up his clumps of hair, Oakley offers them to the camera, saying, “In 2007, Britney shaved her head for our sins, and today I offer up my communion.” This is perhaps a facile comment, but if we consider its impetus, we can acknowledge its performance of a sacral metaphor as a manner of capturing the operation of Britney Spears as a cult figure. It also re-reads her actions not as an internal act of desperation and spiraling downwards, but instead as an act of dialogic exchange with her fan base – by reading the head-shaving as a redemptive, sacrificial act committed by the cult’s center for her fans is to construct that historical event as a site for and of literal communion between fans.

In paralleling Spears’s shaving to the Crucifixion of Christ and then bringing up the notion of communion, Oakley has – perhaps unintentionally – alluded to the liturgical rite of Communion (i.e. the Eucharist) as a stand in for the sacrifice of the human being, which is in keeping with Christian Eucharistic theology’s understanding of the “bloodless sacrifice” being made manifest in the act of Communion, where one consumes the flesh and blood of Christ through the act of divine transubstantiation rather than through the need of a human sacrifice. Note, however, that the word sacrifice does not appear alongside Britney Spears’ actions “for our sins,” but rather as a way of describing Oakley’s own re-performance in his title. Oakley elides the actions of Britney Spears with his own analogous sacrifice and mimetic identification, a term I have used here following Michael Camille’s observations on late-medieval devotional practices, which operated on an analogous system.

What I, at first, experienced as most jarring in this passing quote was Oakley’s seemingly incorrect use of the idea of Communion, saying that on that day he offered up his communion. The language of “offering up” is in keeping with a loosely liturgical language, but the notion of his hair being an act of Communion is strange, given that the worshiper does not offer the Communion but rather receives it in order to partake of Christ. This slippage therefore suggests the elision of the one offering and the one being offered; it manifests likewise the act of the worshiper and that of the priest. In a sense, this mistake perfectly captures Oakley’s function in his dual nature as one who is a fan and has fans. In offering up communion to his viewers, he himself is doing something for our sins – that is, he is operating in the same manner that Britney Spears’s well-publicized, infamous act did for her fan community. He operates as the priest of pop, offering up Communion to his followers in commemoration of Britney Spears’s previous sacrifice. Thus, his YouTube video is both a sacrifice in keeping with Spears’s own and a sacrifice to her; the dual position of celebrity and fan-girl is here embodied in what was surely a confusion or mistake on Oakley’s part.Yet it is his resorting to this liturgical language that captures the order upon which the phenomenology of the fan operates: in the dual role as passive and active creators through a linguistic system in which signification is always inset within other tacit and bundled logics of signification.  

As a regular contributor to POPSUGAR and a variety of other online pop-centered blogs and web-series, Tyler Oakley professionally embodies the operation of the hyperreader through the image or trope of the fan-girl, capturing his ability to actively channel the meanings and unfolding of images, videos, and texts circulating in the domain of pop. I wish to demonstrate (or at least suggest) one such potent act of revision, which recently occurred following the release of Lady Gaga’s single “Applause.” Upon hearing the song, Oakley – who is a self-professed Little Monster and fervent devotee of Lady Gaga, see here for example – tweeted, “The first line of Applause by Lady Gaga sounds like @MirandaSings is singing, DON'T ARGUE WITH ME, THIS IS 100% ACCURATE.”

Oakley’s gesture was an act of immediate revision, which retroactively enacted a system of metadata signification (as I will tentatively call) it, tweaking the citations of an object in circulation, which did not necessarily come with such intentions. In doing so, Tyler constructed a discursive space that produced an artificial sense of conspicuous signification for his audiences, which are accustomed to understanding and interacting with pop at this level. I do not think we can dismiss this comment as merely an act of derision – even if he did compare Gaga’s singing to MirandaSings, a YouTube character constructed by Colleen Ballinger who is famous for her terrible, vibrato-infused singing. Instead, with its 1,131 retweets and 2,260 favorites (at the time of writing this), the tweet actively appropriates “Applause” into the same system of fandom that he, his fans, and colleagues partake.By ghost writing into Gaga’s song an act of citation to MirandaSings, Oakley has performed the same complex acts that he once did with his “My Sacrifice to Britney” video. He did not need to attribute intentionality, even by simply stating that it “sounds like” he is altering the way in which others respond to the song.

The key thing to keep in mind is that what I describe here is not unique. I am not saying that Tyler Oakley, with a simple tweet, has managed to accomplish something exceptional. Instead, what I am saying is that we must view every tweet such as this one in an analogous manner, and thereby construct systems of reference and citation where none necessarily exist as a way of opening up the possibility of and for discursive action. After all, Oakley’s tweet opens up the possibility for MirandaSings to go on to produce a YouTube video where she sings “Applause,” or where MirandaSings complains that Gaga stole her idea, her vocal training, or that she is simply a worse singer than she is, as MirandaSings replied to his tweet. It produces a miniature spectrum of possibilities for satirical videos and parodies to emerge.

We need to keep in mind that on Twitter such interactions occur constantly on a massive scale, and as such they produce much of the content that is uploaded on social media, such as YouTube – for example, consider lyric response videos where dramatic readings or outlandish interpretations of a song’s lyrics emerge as a YouTuber reads through a song line-by-line (i.e. GloZell’s reading of the “Applause” lyrics), or in the form of a response video where a YouTuber may comment on a music video as they watch it, a trope which was quite popularly deployed for Miley Cyrus’s “We Can’t Stop” video (e.g. Shane Dawson’s mom’s response). Thus, Oakley’s comparison of Gaga to MirandaSings not only processes Gaga’s work into a more layered and complex cultural item by allowing these various YouTube-native, fan-based understandings to emerge, but it also is the building block of the type of pop-culture based material that YouTube generates.




Therefore, we cannot simply understand the bitchy or sarcastic comments of a YouTuber – particularly when dealing with those who have a million or more followers – as nothing more than critical, non-constructive language. Lady Gaga herself has recently advocated an end to the “fan wars” and to blogger-critics, but this is not how pop operates and or how things really do go viral – or rather, how they thrive at the brink of virality. In the end, it sometimes seems that Lady Gaga has come to misunderstand what precisely is the location of pop today, its terrain and topologies. Such comments and arguments construct the manner in which pop culture processes its inputs, at times updating the levels and orders of signification so as to produce a more complex and thus more-consumable product, and other times setting out a system by which such inputs can lead to more production and discussion. To ask that this contested discursive space be terminated is not to short-circuit the system, but rather to purposely alienate oneself from circulation. In Tyler Oakley, we encounter not only a representative model of this system, but truly an ideal manifestation and by-product of this system’s logic.

As such, a tweet (like the ones below) is never just a tweet; its a manifesto of pop culture.


Naturally, this essay and the products of a blog, such as Gaga Stigmata, operate on the same order as a way of making pop academic, or at least serving up #AcademicRealness, the house down.

This is Part II of the series, “What is the Location of Pop?” See also the first installment entitled, “A Pop Phenomenology.”

Author bio:
Roland Betancourt is a doctoral candidate in the History of Art Department at Yale University writing a dissertation entitled, “The Proleptic Image: An Investigation of the Medium in Byzantium.” In April 2012, he co-chaired a major symposium at Yale entitled Byzantium/Modernism on the mutually generative collision of Byzantium and ModernismIn addition to various other projects, he is currently editing a special volume of the journal postmedieval entitled, “Imagined Encounters: Historiographies for a New World,” which asks scholars to suspend disbelief and create cross-temporal analyses using artworks and theories from different historical spaces.

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